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Four factors seem to have been behi

Four factors seem to have been behind the demonstrations that brought Sino-
Japanese relations to a new low, although it was the history issue in general that
underlay the entire episode. First, chronologically, on April 1 Japanese Minister of
Economy, Trade and Industry Nakagawa Soichi made an announcement that Japan
was going to give Japanese companies rights to explore for gas and other resources
in contested waters between Japan and China. On April 4 Japanese officials
informed Beijing’s Embassy in Tokyo that Japan would soon begin its oceanic
explorations and that China should suspend its explorative activities in the same
region and report its current findings to Tokyo. This incensed many in China.
Second was the recurrence of the textbook issue, as has already been described,
wherein on April 5, Japan’s Ministry of Education approved for use a number of
history texts that avoided reference to the wrongful acts committed by Japan and her
troops in WW2.
Third was Japan’s bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security
Council and an unprecedented Chinese internet-based petition drive to protest
Japan’s campaign for such a seat. In 2005 the UN had undertaken a series of major
reforms and there were two models being discussed at the UN as to how to reform
the UN Security Council, one of which would see Japan as one of six new
permanent members of the Security Council.30 In a visit to the Chinese Mission to
the UN in New York in early 2005, the author was told by the Chinese representative
that China would not support Japan’s candidacy to the UNSC unless Japan fully
comes to terms with its war-time aggression, thus making it “a responsible nation” in
Chinese eyes. Because a veto from a permanent member of the UNSC like China
would derail any such attempt to make Japan a permanent member, Japan’s
ascension to permanent member status seems highly unlikely unless the history issue
is resolved. Spearheaded and sustained primarily by Chinese around the world, a
global web-based petition drive took place in March and April 2005 protesting any
discussions of Japan becoming a permanent member of the UNSC. It was very
successful, Chinese official sources saying some 30 million people signed the
petitions. Of Japan’s bid for a UNSC permanent seat, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao
said, “Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for history and wins
over the trust of peoples in Asia and the world at large can take greater
responsibilities in the international community.”31
The fourth factor that seemed to have been a catalyst to the demonstrations was
the courage and radicalism of the South Korean demonstrators who protested in
Tokyo and Seoul in March over the ongoing Dokdo/Takeshima Islands dispute. Both
Koreans and Japanese have laid claims to the uninhabited islets between the two
countries primarily because of the natural resources possession of them could bring.
Particularly inflammatory to Koreans was a March 16 law passed by Japan’s
Shimane prefecture, which claims jurisdiction over the islets, stating that Japan has
sovereignty over the so-called Takeshimas. When South Korea sent a small
contingent of police to occupy and protect the Dokdos, South Koreans took to the
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Four factors seem to have been behind the demonstrations that brought Sino-Japanese relations to a new low, although it was the history issue in general thatunderlay the entire episode. First, chronologically, on April 1 Japanese Minister ofEconomy, Trade and Industry Nakagawa Soichi made an announcement that Japanwas going to give Japanese companies rights to explore for gas and other resourcesin contested waters between Japan and China. On April 4 Japanese officialsinformed Beijing’s Embassy in Tokyo that Japan would soon begin its oceanicexplorations and that China should suspend its explorative activities in the sameregion and report its current findings to Tokyo. This incensed many in China.Second was the recurrence of the textbook issue, as has already been described,wherein on April 5, Japan’s Ministry of Education approved for use a number ofhistory texts that avoided reference to the wrongful acts committed by Japan and hertroops in WW2.Third was Japan’s bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations SecurityCouncil and an unprecedented Chinese internet-based petition drive to protestJapan’s campaign for such a seat. In 2005 the UN had undertaken a series of majorreforms and there were two models being discussed at the UN as to how to reformthe UN Security Council, one of which would see Japan as one of six newpermanent members of the Security Council.30 In a visit to the Chinese Mission tothe UN in New York in early 2005, the author was told by the Chinese representativethat China would not support Japan’s candidacy to the UNSC unless Japan fullycomes to terms with its war-time aggression, thus making it “a responsible nation” inChinese eyes. Because a veto from a permanent member of the UNSC like Chinawould derail any such attempt to make Japan a permanent member, Japan’sascension to permanent member status seems highly unlikely unless the history issueis resolved. Spearheaded and sustained primarily by Chinese around the world, aglobal web-based petition drive took place in March and April 2005 protesting anydiscussions of Japan becoming a permanent member of the UNSC. It was verysuccessful, Chinese official sources saying some 30 million people signed thepetitions. Of Japan’s bid for a UNSC permanent seat, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabaosaid, “Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for history and winsover the trust of peoples in Asia and the world at large can take greaterresponsibilities in the international community.”31The fourth factor that seemed to have been a catalyst to the demonstrations wasthe courage and radicalism of the South Korean demonstrators who protested inTokyo and Seoul in March over the ongoing Dokdo/Takeshima Islands dispute. BothKoreans and Japanese have laid claims to the uninhabited islets between the twocountries primarily because of the natural resources possession of them could bring.Particularly inflammatory to Koreans was a March 16 law passed by Japan’sShimane prefecture, which claims jurisdiction over the islets, stating that Japan hassovereignty over the so-called Takeshimas. When South Korea sent a smallcontingent of police to occupy and protect the Dokdos, South Koreans took to the
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Four factors seem to have been behind the demonstrations that brought Sino-
Japanese relations to a new low, although it was the history issue in general that
underlay the entire episode. First, chronologically, on April 1 Japanese Minister of
Economy, Trade and Industry Nakagawa Soichi made an announcement that Japan
was going to give Japanese companies rights to explore for gas and other resources
in contested waters between Japan and China. On April 4 Japanese officials
informed Beijing’s Embassy in Tokyo that Japan would soon begin its oceanic
explorations and that China should suspend its explorative activities in the same
region and report its current findings to Tokyo. This incensed many in China.
Second was the recurrence of the textbook issue, as has already been described,
wherein on April 5, Japan’s Ministry of Education approved for use a number of
history texts that avoided reference to the wrongful acts committed by Japan and her
troops in WW2.
Third was Japan’s bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security
Council and an unprecedented Chinese internet-based petition drive to protest
Japan’s campaign for such a seat. In 2005 the UN had undertaken a series of major
reforms and there were two models being discussed at the UN as to how to reform
the UN Security Council, one of which would see Japan as one of six new
permanent members of the Security Council.30 In a visit to the Chinese Mission to
the UN in New York in early 2005, the author was told by the Chinese representative
that China would not support Japan’s candidacy to the UNSC unless Japan fully
comes to terms with its war-time aggression, thus making it “a responsible nation” in
Chinese eyes. Because a veto from a permanent member of the UNSC like China
would derail any such attempt to make Japan a permanent member, Japan’s
ascension to permanent member status seems highly unlikely unless the history issue
is resolved. Spearheaded and sustained primarily by Chinese around the world, a
global web-based petition drive took place in March and April 2005 protesting any
discussions of Japan becoming a permanent member of the UNSC. It was very
successful, Chinese official sources saying some 30 million people signed the
petitions. Of Japan’s bid for a UNSC permanent seat, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao
said, “Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for history and wins
over the trust of peoples in Asia and the world at large can take greater
responsibilities in the international community.”31
The fourth factor that seemed to have been a catalyst to the demonstrations was
the courage and radicalism of the South Korean demonstrators who protested in
Tokyo and Seoul in March over the ongoing Dokdo/Takeshima Islands dispute. Both
Koreans and Japanese have laid claims to the uninhabited islets between the two
countries primarily because of the natural resources possession of them could bring.
Particularly inflammatory to Koreans was a March 16 law passed by Japan’s
Shimane prefecture, which claims jurisdiction over the islets, stating that Japan has
sovereignty over the so-called Takeshimas. When South Korea sent a small
contingent of police to occupy and protect the Dokdos, South Koreans took to the
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Четыре фактора, похоже, за демонстрации, Sino-
японских отношений на новый низкий, хотя это был история вопроса в целом, что
лежит весь эпизод. Во-первых, хронологическом порядке, 1 марта и 1 декабря японский министр
экономики, торговли и промышленности Юшукана классифицированы четверные подгруппы из $g в объявление о том, что Япония
Будет уделять японские компании человека изучить для газа и других ресурсов
в спорных водах между Японией и Китаем. 4 Апреля японскими должностными лицами
сообщил Пекинской посольств в Токио, Япония вскоре приступит к океанографическим
золотодобывающие и что Китай должен приостановить исследовательский мероприятий в этом же
региона и о его нынешнем выводы в Токио. Это возмущение многих в Китай.
Второй был повторения этого учебника, как уже было описано,
где 5 апреля в Японии, министерство образования утверждены для использования ряда
истории текстов, избежать ссылки на противоправных деяний, совершенных Японии и ее
войск в WW2.
третьей Япония торги на постоянное место в Организации Объединенных Наций по вопросам безопасности
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