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land deals of the colonization movement, held both political and economicinfluence.7 The crowning blow came in 1928, when the vast Inner Mongolian beltwas divided by Chiang Kai-shek’s new Nationalist regime into the four provinces ofRehe, Chahar, Suiyuan, and Ningxia. With the doctrine of equality among the ‘FiveNationalities’ of China (i.e. the Han Chinese, Manchu, Mongols, Tibetans and HuiMuslims) as the moral and ideological underpinning of their rule, officials inNanking further sought to abolish all the prerogatives that the Mongol nobles hadenjoyed. They did so with a perfect justification that these old imperial legacies didnot accord with the new revolutionary spirit and would inevitably hamper thebuilding of a modern Five-Nationality Chinese Republic.8 Regardless of repeatedpetitions sent by the Mongol nobility in an effort to preserve their status of politicalautonomy, in 1929, Nanking legislatively proclaimed new provincial boundary linesin Inner Mongolia, which cut ruthlessly across the Mongol banner and leaguefrontiers, contributing further to the Mongols’ disunity and facilitating their ultimateabsorption by the Chinese.9The Japanese creation of the puppet state ‘Manchukuo’ in 1932, followed by theestablishment of a new Xing’an (Khinggan) Province in eastern part of InnerMongolia under the Mongols’ direct rule, forced the Nationalists to confront theunpredictable dangers of China’s territorial dismemberment. These events alsoforced Nanking to confront the great risks of competing with Tokyo to win overthe support of the non-Han ethnic minorities in China’s borderlands. However, justas Manchuria fell into the grip of the Japanese, almost simultaneously PrinceDemchugdongrob, a prince of Sunit Right Banner who was serving as Deputy Headof Silingol League, was organizing a large-scale autonomy movement.10Using the opportune timing that had been created by the Manchuria incident, theMongols made demands on Nanking, including the request for a single autonomousMongol area, enlargement of autonomous powers, and the return of pasturelandsthat had been taken by the Han Chinese since late Qing. Negotiations between theInner Mongols and the Nationalists consequently resulted in an agreementestablishing a ‘Mongol Local Autonomous Political Affairs Committee’ with PrinceDemchugdongrob as its Secretary-General. With Chiang Kai-shek’s consent, theInner Mongols were given not only institutional recognition, but also the right tolevy their own taxes in the autonomous regions.11 In the face of a worseningnorthern border situation, in early 1933 the Nationalists further reversed theirprevious tendency to abolish the hereditary ruling system in Inner Mongolia, legallyagreeing to keep the traditional leagues and banners mechanism alive. A set of newdemarches were officially promulgated, allowing the Inner Mongol nobles topreserve their hereditary titles and privileges, as well as to rule their own territories ofthe imperially bequeathed leagues and banners.12The co-existence of both the provincial and the traditional league and bannersystem in Inner Mongolia presented a political paradox: while the semi-independentHan Chinese warlords in North China officially controlled the administrations ofprovincial governments, the Mongols were also granted permission to run their own
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