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land deals of the colonization movement, held both political and economicinfluence.7 The crowning blow came in 1928, when the vast Inner Mongolian beltwas divided by Chiang Kai-shek’s new Nationalist regime into the four provinces ofRehe, Chahar, Suiyuan, and Ningxia. With the doctrine of equality among the ‘FiveNationalities’ of China (i.e. the Han Chinese, Manchu, Mongols, Tibetans and HuiMuslims) as the moral and ideological underpinning of their rule, officials inNanking further sought to abolish all the prerogatives that the Mongol nobles hadenjoyed. They did so with a perfect justification that these old imperial legacies didnot accord with the new revolutionary spirit and would inevitably hamper thebuilding of a modern Five-Nationality Chinese Republic.8 Regardless of repeatedpetitions sent by the Mongol nobility in an effort to preserve their status of politicalautonomy, in 1929, Nanking legislatively proclaimed new provincial boundary linesin Inner Mongolia, which cut ruthlessly across the Mongol banner and leaguefrontiers, contributing further to the Mongols’ disunity and facilitating their ultimateabsorption by the Chinese.9The Japanese creation of the puppet state ‘Manchukuo’ in 1932, followed by theestablishment of a new Xing’an (Khinggan) Province in eastern part of InnerMongolia under the Mongols’ direct rule, forced the Nationalists to confront theunpredictable dangers of China’s territorial dismemberment. These events also
forced Nanking to confront the great risks of competing with Tokyo to win over
the support of the non-Han ethnic minorities in China’s borderlands. However, just
as Manchuria fell into the grip of the Japanese, almost simultaneously Prince
Demchugdongrob, a prince of Sunit Right Banner who was serving as Deputy Head
of Silingol League, was organizing a large-scale autonomy movement.10
Using the opportune timing that had been created by the Manchuria incident, the
Mongols made demands on Nanking, including the request for a single autonomous
Mongol area, enlargement of autonomous powers, and the return of pasturelands
that had been taken by the Han Chinese since late Qing. Negotiations between the
Inner Mongols and the Nationalists consequently resulted in an agreement
establishing a ‘Mongol Local Autonomous Political Affairs Committee’ with Prince
Demchugdongrob as its Secretary-General. With Chiang Kai-shek’s consent, the
Inner Mongols were given not only institutional recognition, but also the right to
levy their own taxes in the autonomous regions.11 In the face of a worsening
northern border situation, in early 1933 the Nationalists further reversed their
previous tendency to abolish the hereditary ruling system in Inner Mongolia, legally
agreeing to keep the traditional leagues and banners mechanism alive. A set of new
demarches were officially promulgated, allowing the Inner Mongol nobles to
preserve their hereditary titles and privileges, as well as to rule their own territories of
the imperially bequeathed leagues and banners.12
The co-existence of both the provincial and the traditional league and banner
system in Inner Mongolia presented a political paradox: while the semi-independent
Han Chinese warlords in North China officially controlled the administrations of
provincial governments, the Mongols were also granted permission to run their own
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