political machines. Taking the situ

political machines. Taking the situation in Ningxia for example – by the early 1930s
there were actually three equal-ranked administrative bodies functioning within the
artificially manufactured provincial boundary: a Ningxia provincial government
chaired by the Sino-Muslim warlord Ma Hongkui, an Ejine Banner ruled by Prince
Tobshinbayar, and an Alashaa Banner ruled by Prince Danizana.13 As a result of
this extraordinary triple-political system, conflicts between Mongol ruling princes,
local Han Chinese, and Sino-Muslim warlords were inevitable. One of the most
violent clashes happened in March 1935, when an armed conflict took place between
General Fu Zuoyi ( )’ s Suiyuan provincial authorities and banners of the
Ulanchab League. Both sides sent their troops to intercept goods imported from
Gansu province and both claimed the right to levy taxes upon these goods.14
Furthermore, during the first half of the 1930s, conflicts between banners and
provincial authorities in Inner Mongolia were additionally complicated by the
advancing Japanese encroachment in North China. After creating a puppet regime in
Manchuria, the Japanese further endeavored to cultivate more Mongol elites
who, although theoretically independent, were in fact subservient to them.15 The
pronounced Japanese expansion into Inner Mongolia contrasted sharply with the
Nationalist regime’s lethargic attitude toward this territory and its people. In the face
of a thriving Mongolian autonomous movement, the trouble-ridden Nanking
authorities were in far too weak a position either to manipulate this event effectively
or, more straightforwardly, forcefully to prevent the Mongols from siding with Japan
at the expense of China.16 In the midst of Inner Mongolian autonomous movement in
the first half of the 1930s, many Han Chinese warlords in the North, such as Fu
Zuoyi, were strongly opposed to granting this movement any political legitimacy.
However, considering Nanking’s vulnerable credibility in Inner Mongolia, Chiang
Kai-shek and his frontier advisors could do nothing except reluctantly and tacitly
allow the Inner Mongols to carry on their autonomous movement.17
In the summer of 1936, the Inner Mongolian Military Government, whose
influence extended from Chahar, northern Shanxi, to the eastern tips of Suiyuan, was
formally inaugurated, with Prince Demchugdongrob as its chairman. With Tokyo as
a military and financial sponsor, this political entity became virtually independent of
Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist ‘central government’ and subservient to the Japanese
empire.18 After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in the summer of 1937, Prince
Demchugdongrob publicly supported the Japanese. Later the same year, the
Japanese combined several other petty regimes they had earlier sponsored in Inner
Mongolia with a single ‘Mongolian Federated Autonomous Government’, again
headed by Prince Demchugdongrob.1

Результаты (русский) 3:

политических машин. С учетом ситуации в Нинся например - в начале 1930-х гг.
были фактически три занимает административных органов, функционирующих в рамках
artificially выпуска провинциальных границы: в Нинся правительство провинции
под председательством Sino-Muslim военачальников Ма Hongkui, Ejine баннер, принц
Tobshinbayar и Alashaa баннер, принц Danizana.13 В результате
этой чрезвычайной triple-политической системы, conflicts между монгольского правящей принцы,
местные китайцы, и Sino-Muslim вооруженных формирований было неизбежным. Один из наиболее
насильственных столкновений произошло в Март 1935, когда вооруженные conflict между
Генеральной Фу Zuoyi ( )' s Suiyuan провинциальных властей и баннеры в
Ulanchab Лиги.